In July 2016, an event occurred that almost broke Turkey. On the night of July 15th, a coup attempt took place from within the Turkish military to overthrow the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
Hundreds were killed, and tens of thousands were purged from state institutions and the government. So, what exactly happened?
This coup attempt was not unique. The Turkish military had successfully overthrown civilian governments four times before— in 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997. Had it succeeded, this would have been the fifth coup or direct military intervention in Turkey’s political landscape.
However, by 2016, Erdoğan had already been in power as president for two years, following his long tenure as prime minister since 2003. Over time, he had managed to erode the Turkish Armed Forces' influence, weakening their ability to stage another successful coup.
One key figure in this period was Fethullah Gülen, a Turkish Islamic scholar exiled to the United States since 1999. Initially, Erdoğan and Gülen were allies, united against military and bureaucratic influence in the state. However, by 2013, their alliance had crumbled, and they were openly accusing each other of subversion and betrayal.
On July 15th, at 10 PM, a military faction later labeled the "Peace at Home Council" launched their coup attempt.
They blocked key infrastructure in Istanbul and Ankara, shutting down maritime, foot, and land traffic. Air and ground forces were mobilized, including jets and helicopters. The faction stormed the Turkish state broadcaster, TRT, in Ankara, forcing the anchor at gunpoint to read a statement declaring martial law and a nationwide curfew.
The coup leaders claimed they were acting to restore democracy and protect human rights, accusing the government of corruption and authoritarianism. They attacked the Turkish Parliament, attempted to seize Atatürk Airport in Istanbul, and tried to capture Erdoğan—who narrowly escaped.
Since they failed to capture President Erdoğan, he addressed the nation through CNN Türk, calling on citizens to take to the streets in defiance of the coup. The public heeded his call, confronting soldiers in various cities. This led to violent clashes, with soldiers and helicopters opening fire on civilians, while some soldiers were captured or killed by the crowds.
Another major setback for the coup plotters was the lack of full military support. Many top generals opposed the coup and refused to participate.
By the morning of July 16th, the coup was collapsing. Military units began surrendering, and the plotters lost control of key installations. Later that day, Erdoğan arrived in Istanbul and declared victory.
While the plotters numbered only a few hundred soldiers and officers, Erdoğan and his government were convinced that deep infiltration had taken place. In response, over 100,000 government employees were dismissed, and tens of thousands were jailed.
Erdoğan claimed that the coup plotters were linked to Gülen, yet no concrete evidence was ever presented. To this day, the chain of command behind the coup remains unclear, raising questions about its true origins and leadership.
So far, the highest-ranking military officer linked to the coup, according to the Turkish government, was the commander of the Turkish Air Force. However, all reports claiming his involvement were later deleted. He has maintained his innocence, stating that he was not part of the coup and, in fact, worked against the plotters. He remains in prison to this day.
For one, the armed forces are not the ones protesting against Erdoğan this time around. This time, it is an organic civil movement spreading across Turkey. In 2016, Erdoğan was the target of such measures, but now he is the one taking proactive action against dissent.
The social tensions in Turkey are severe, and the possibility of upheaval is real. We at IBN will keep you updated as events unfold. However, whether this movement will meet the same fate as the failed coup nine years ago remains to be seen. One thing is certain—the protesters do not seem willing to leave empty-handed.