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US to Slash NATO Forces in Europe, Demands ‘NATO 3.0’ Burden Shift

American drawdown tests NATO unity and Europe’s readiness for a new security era

Jummah

In a meeting that laid bare the deepening fissures within the Western alliance, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth delivered a blunt ultimatum to NATO members in Brussels on Thursday. While he acknowledged significant progress in European defence spending, Hegseth warned that some allies still needed to do more, striking a conciliatory yet firm tone as he announced a sweeping six month review of American military forces in Europe.

The review, which Hegseth framed as a push for a “NATO 3.0,” is designed to ensure that Europe takes primary responsibility for its own conventional defence, a shift driven by Washington’s growing focus on the Indo-Pacific and frustration over European support during the Iran war. “Some countries will fail, and others will pass with flying colours,” Hegseth warned, adding that “for too long NATO has been a paper tiger and a one-way street”.

The Review and the ‘NATO 3.0’ Vision

At the heart of Hegseth’s address was a call for a fundamental reboot of the 32 nation alliance. The Pentagon’s review, which will last up to six months and include consultations with the US Congress, will assess how quickly European members are stepping up to fill the gaps left by a reduced American presence. Hegseth tied future US funding contributions to allies meeting defence spending targets, warning that “where other allies do not spend with urgency, our dues contributions will go down”.

This review comes on the heels of a US decision to scale back its commitments to the NATO Force Model (NFM), the alliance’s high‑readiness force. NATO Secretary‑General Mark Rutte confirmed that the US reductions were “immediate,” although he insisted that Washington would still be there if NATO faced an attack.

The Scale of the US Drawdown

The proposed cuts, which have alarmed European capitals, are substantial. According to US and German media reports, the reductions include a third of the 150 F‑16 and F‑15 fighter jets designated for NATO, along with refuelling and reconnaissance aircraft, bombers, and drones. The number of maritime patrol aircraft will drop from 26 to 15, and all eight aerial refuelling aircraft previously deployed to Europe will be withdrawn.

A submarine capable of launching cruise missiles and one of two aircraft carrier groups are also being taken out. The Pentagon has confirmed its intention to gradually reduce its military presence on the continent, a move that would significantly impair NATO’s ability to conduct long range strikes and surveillance operations.

‘Shameful’ Allies and the Iran War

Hegseth’s criticism was not limited to defence spending. He lashed out at NATO members who had imposed restrictions on American access to European bases during the war against Iran, calling it “shameful”. “These allies, they put America’s sons and daughters, our sons and daughters, at risk by denying them the predictable access, basing and overflight that never should have been in question at all,” he said.

This criticism was a direct reference to countries like Spain, which refused to allow the use of its air bases for attacks on Iran, prompting Trump to threaten to halt all trade with Madrid. Hegseth’s remarks underscored the deep bitterness in Washington over what it perceives as European free riding, not only in financial terms but also in strategic support.

European Reactions: ‘We Need More Time’

While Hegseth praised the “staggering” increase in European and Canadian defence spending, over $90 billion extra in 2025, a nearly 20% increase, the immediate withdrawal of US capabilities has left allies scrambling. German Defence Minister Boris Pistorius acknowledged that while Europe could compensate for many things, “we need a bit more time”. “It is difficult and dangerous for the security of Nato territory in Europe if capabilities are withdrawn very quickly without it being clear when they can be offset,” he warned.

A senior NATO official conceded that “not everything” the US was withdrawing could be absolutely replaced. Meanwhile, NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander, US Air Force General Alexus G. Grynkewich, is already working on backup plans to defend Europe in the absence of US assets.

The Ankara Summit and the 5% Target

The Brussels meeting was a prelude to the NATO leaders’ summit scheduled for July in Ankara, Turkey. At that summit, allies are expected to present “credible” roadmaps to meet NATO’s revised defence spending target of 5% of GDP by 2035, which includes 3.5% on core military capabilities and 1.5% on defence infrastructure. While all NATO members signed up to this goal last year, the gap between pledge and reality remains wide.

According to a NATO official, three European countries, including Slovenia and the Czech Republic, are currently on course to fall short of the crucial 2% threshold this year. The classified assessment of members’ progress, to be presented by Rutte, will put fresh scrutiny on allies like Spain, which has been a target of Trump’s criticism for its refusal to commit to the 5% target.

Implications

The US move represents a fundamental shift in the transatlantic security relationship. Under Article 5 of NATO’s founding treaty, an attack on one ally is considered an attack on all, but it does not oblige members to provide military support. By scaling back how it might help should an ally trigger Article 5, the United States is effectively eroding the credibility of the collective defence guarantee. Washington insists that it needs to be able to plan for two simultaneous conflicts and wants more military resources for a potential clash with China in the Indo Pacific.

For Europe, the era of relying on American military might is ending. While Rutte sought to reassure allies that the US would still “max out” in a crisis, the immediate withdrawal of capabilities and the threat of reduced funding have left European capitals facing a daunting challenge. The success of NATO 3.0 will depend on whether Europe can turn its increased spending into deployable capabilities before the security vacuum becomes too dangerous to manage.

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